Journalist Pavlo Kazarin, who is now on the front line defending Ukraine, talks about what will happen after the end of this war, as well as how this ending will be. It is on the outcome of the war, in his opinion, that the agenda that our country will live in the future depends. Will Ukraine be another country of the Western world, will, like modern Turkey and Hungary, insist on the sovereign right to follow a special route, he writes about this on his Facebook page
“We often say that war changes us. But its ending will change us much more.
We are constantly tempted to make predictions. We are thinking about the first post-war elections. We argue about new names in Ukrainian politics. Let’s talk about the forks of the post-war period. But all this is meaningless.
And the point is not that Ukraine is threatened with the loss of statehood or a return to colonial status. These scenarios are probably already behind us. But the agenda that our country will live in the future depends on the outcome of the war. Its ending will determine the fate of people and cities that have never faced war.
We are at a crossroads today. If we win, a moment of national triumph awaits us. The acquisition of internal subjectivity. A sense of solidarity with all the countries that helped Ukraine succeed on the battlefield.
Ukraine will become a country that has proved to itself and to the world the inefficiency of dictatorships and the superiority of democracies. It will become a showcase for the achievements of Western civilization. Clear evidence that rights and freedoms are directly related to the ability to win on the battlefield.
We will be the main success story on the continent. Proof that the rules of the 19th century don’t work in the 21st. Our civilizational pendulum will finally stop, and the European future of Ukraine will no longer be in doubt. The end of history in a single country.
Everything will be different if we lose.
The loss of Ukraine will mean that market dictatorships are more effective than market democracies. That human rights and the changeability of power do not affect the defense. That the track that the West offers to other countries as a route letter does not necessarily lead to success.
This is of paramount importance for our future. If we win, we will be another country in the Western world. We will feel equal in Europe and at home. Reforms will become uncontested, because their supporters will be able to nod as an example of those countries whose help brought our triumph closer.
In case of defeat, everything will be different. We may even be invited to the European Union. They can help rebuild what has been destroyed. They can inject investments and ensure economic growth. But the trauma of national humiliation will not go away from this.
This means that Europe runs the risk of finding a country that does not trust it on its borders. A country where anti-Russian sentiment rhymes with anti-Western. A country that despairs of ideals will preach diplomatic cynicism.
We will be very similar to modern Turkey and Hungary. Let’s start thinking about the exclusivity of our national path. We will talk about the sovereign right to follow a special route. European integration will become a scolding, because it will mean embedding in the very world that betrayed us and did not help us win.
Our new populists will be anti-Western. They will start selling the voter resentment and resentment. Both are strong mental drugs that allow the wearer to blame others for their own troubles from the height of the pedestal. Sooner or later we will have our own Donald Trump.
The internal agenda will be divided into camps “we have” and “we are to blame.” The former will talk about the need to change and evolve. About working on mistakes and the problem of unlearned lessons. The latter will talk about the indifference of the West and the bankruptcy of Western values. About the Ukrainian role in saving the continent and the subsequent treason on the part of the saved. And there will likely be more of them.
The peculiarity of the situation is also that victory and defeat in this case are not constants, but variables.
For example, in the spring of 2022, Ukraine was ready to consider reaching the borders on February 23 a victory. Today, only reaching the borders of 2014 serves as a symbol of victory. What we consider a victory on the battlefield and what we consider a defeat on the battlefield will depend on the level of public expectations.
The unanimity that we see in the opinion poll is, of course, a factor in our strength. It refutes Moscow’s hopes for intra-Ukrainian strife and split, gives cohesion, synergy and solidarity. But it is worth considering: if the outcome of the war does not meet expectations, this unanimity can turn into disappointment and frustration.
That is why all our attempts to build forecasts do not make any sense. We have no idea who will win the first post-war elections. We do not know what names the new parties will have and what slogans we will see on their flags. We do not even guess what names will be on the ballots and what promises will be in demand.
This is because in the last year and a half, the only politician in our country has been the Armed Forces of Ukraine. The only realm of politics is war.
The future will be what they make it.”
Kazarin has repeatedly said that this war is for a long time. If Ukrainians want to survive in this war and save the country, then you need to go to defend it, this, first of all, concerns every man.
The materials posted in the “Blogs” section reflect the author’s own opinion and may not coincide with the position of the editors.
Source: Fakty
I am currently working as a news website author at Daily News Hack. I mostly cover trending news and have been doing so for quite some time now. I have always had a keen interest in current affairs and the world around me, which is what led me to my current job.
